Separatists in West Papua Paradigm Trap

Papuan Protess

Jakarta-Papua conflict that has lasted for 47 years (starting from 1963) and establish paradigm fosters separatism. This paradigm has been the framework and foundation of thought for both parties. At the opposite extreme, the events that occurred in Papua understood and addressed in the framework separatist conflict.
Parties to the central government (read: Polhukkam Coordinating Ministry, Ministry of Home Affairs, and BIN) Jakarta puts goals in order to maintain the integrity of combating separatism NKRI above all other political and economic policies. Violence in the New Order state is considered politically correct because it is considered as an effort to combat separatism. Excesses of state violence is not considered a breach of human rights more important than combating separatism.
At the time of the Reformation, and Autonomy in Papua, the practice of repression and state violence is still the name of combating separatism. Murder of Theys Eluay in November 2001 was clearly acknowledged in court that the killing was done in order to prevent the strengthening of the independence movement in Papua. It continued in Abepura (2000), Wasior (2001), Wamena (2003), and the last murder Kelly Kwalik.
In the name of combating separatism Similarly, violations of the law "tolerable". For example, Instruction 1/2003 which divide Papua into three provinces clearly violating Article 76 of Law 21/2001. As much as the public protests and public criticism of the policy, the policy is kept out by the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Ministry for backup from BIN Polhukkam. Internal Among them, the reason is clear and never denied. Expansion Instruction 1/2003 is to prevent the unity of pro-independence Papuans in Jayapura.
The grounds contain the foreign influence in the separatist movement in Papua is also treated as a covered area for researchers and foreign journalists. The fact that good and bad is blurred in Papua. The boundary between factual news and rumors of the imagination of political actors is blurred. Official news in newspapers is often defeated by rumors among the public via sms or whispers. As a result, the technology has telephone and internet communication, representation and image Papua out to be difficult to verify. Suspicions grow very fertile. Cases of violence by the state or from the group of Papuan movement is never revealed completely.
Devices and law enforcement institutions were distorted. In many cases the assumption Papuan political police, prosecutors and judges are dominated by the paradigm of separatism. Student political action easily put in a box separatism. Before the trial began, the attitude of law enforcement have clearly demonstrated their priori suspects or defendants politics. Examples of student activist judicial practice Buchtar Tabuni and colleagues (2009) who tried to use subversion article shows it. If outside Papua clauses may be lighter. Because it is an instrument of law enforcement paradigm also tends to be subordinated and manipulated into a tool to limit political expression and silencing citizens.
Excessive vigilance and the resulting stigma separatists used further as a means of control and marginalization of the opposition Papua. Most alarming of all, separatist paradigm is used as a cover for a variety of state failure in carrying out its duties, the public services and the creation of a sense of security, against Indonesian citizens in Papua. The dominant product of the separatist paradigm is impunity and injustice.

"Disease" separatist paradigm also affects leaders and the people of Papua, most of the leaders and elite Papuan pro-independence Papuan. They almost always led to an understanding of all the demands of political discourse towards independence. The government considered a deliberate and planned to get rid of or destroy indigenous Papuans as they are separatists.
Papua parties, especially the TPN / OPM and the community and the Papuan elite, both who have been victims of state violence as well as those directly related and historical kinship with the victims, felt he had become victims of state violence both symbolically and structurally. As a result, growing culture of terror, which is all that bad, catastrophic illness and violence almost always is believed to be the design of another (mostly Jakarta) to kill, remove, and destroy indigenous Papuans. The product of the culture of terror is a deep distrust of government in general.
When the number of HIV / AIDS among indigenous Papuans increased rapidly, much discourse says that the disease was deliberately taken by the police or military forces through sex workers brought in from outside Papua. HIV / AIDS is seen as a means to kill the native Papuans slowly so eventually perish from this earth.  

No critical questions to try to understand the complexity of the pattern of sexual relations among indigenous Papuans, free sex transactions between Papua and new comers unprotected sex habits, to the government's policy response to the spread of HIV / AIDS.
Most people are not interested to see the facts and critically observant but just want to justify their prejudices. Culture is manifested in fear of terror and hatred against excessive state security forces. All things considered come from Jakarta tends suspected abuse. From there grew also a victim mentality. Many Papuans lost the ability to critically understand their own problems, loss of confidence, and tend to expect outside help (outside Indonesia) in solving their own problems.
Everything smelled new hope international is seen as supreme. In the process of public consultation exercise recently and various workshops, we heard many Papuans demand for international dialogue held, international mediators, influx of UN peacekeepers to Papua, and so on. Without further thought, what is internationally considered better and can solve the problem. Often Papuan leaders also manipulate the myth of an international force to keep political support and funding from the public.
Paradigm also makes Papuan separatism develop and reinforce the myth that indigenous Papuans definitely in her heart to save aspirations M and non-Papuans (read: non-Papuan Indonesian citizens) must be pro-Republic of Indonesia and is considered "the enemy". Consider the statement Papuan activists in discussions or seminars. 

 "I do not believe you because you are an Indonesian who kill kill us." "Only someone who knows Papua Papua and Papua have the heart to build." Discourse was kept alive despite many Papuan leaders who oppress the Papuans or otherwise non-Papuans who contributed a lot to the people of Papua.
The paradigm that is what fosters fear and see the whole corner of the earth is monitored and controlled by intelligence or security forces in Indonesia. This feeling is strong among residents or embedded Papuan leaders who felt himself being watched for their participation in the political movement of anti-Indonesia. 

For example, a person is sick and does not want to go to Jakarta for fear of later intelligence infiltrated the hospital and injected poison into the infusion bottle. Or also an activist who had a motorcycle accident and develop a rumor that Intel pushed into the gutter. No critical questions arise there, and people tend to believe it.
Separatist discourse or the word "free" is also being considered to be an effective tool to intimidate officials in Jakarta in order to fulfill the political ambitions of Papuan officials. For example, when the demands of a particular disbursement or has not been disbursed by the agency in Jakarta, intimidation by using the word "freedom" began to appear. 

 Another obvious example is one reason won a judicial review at the Constitutional Court regarding an additional 11 members of the DPRP, namely that in the composition of the membership of the current DPRP pro-Homeland unrepresented. Beyond that, quite simply, the proposer of the Barisan Merah Putih, willing to take a quota of 11 seats if it works.
Paradigm separatism is also used as a tool for protection from legal by Papuan officials are corrupt. Some corrupt officials begin investigation or even heard, began to make style statements "Indonesian nationalism" with a lot of the word Republic and criticized the pro-independence group, or a rehash of his services to "defend" Homeland.
Exposure on the overall situation to be one important cause paralysis and political deadlock. Parties Jakarta tend to suspect and rejected most of the problem solving initiatives coming from Papua with the formula "Homeland fixed price". Instead the Papua feel unfairly treated continuously and diakhianati by Jakarta that also insisted the reactionary statement that "Freedom is also set in stone".
Suspicions between the two nourished by various repressive policies of Jakarta and Papua unfriendly. In response, a variety of actions and statements of political separatism in Papua reinforced paradigm mentioned above.
In the end on one side of the paradigm of separatism developing policies and behavior of government officials is against the purpose of combating separatism itself. On the other hand, it reinforces the desire, at least strengthen separatist discourse, indigenous Papuans to secede. (MSW)